The appeal of radical groups often lies in creating a strong sense of belonging and a possibility of identification with other group members (Ebner, 2017). Extremist movements often thrive on societal divisions and grievances to promote a narrative of cultural and racial superiority, offering simple solutions to complex issues and cultivating a sense of belonging among their members. Forming interpersonal relationships and being a part of a group are essential aspects of human life. However, it might be harder to experience a sense of belonging for those ostracized by their communities for not fulfilling their roles or for those who are socially marginalized based on their social identities. It can attract these individuals to seek social connection and acceptance elsewhere and a sense of belonging is often emphasized as a pull factor that can drive people to join extremist groups. When journalists ask former extremists how they joined jihadist groups or far-right groups, it usually only takes a few minutes before they mention that they were ‘in search of belonging’ or ‘looking for community’ (Amarasingam, 2024).
Yet, the community aspects are often implied rather than explicitly analyzed in scientific research. One of the few studies that engage with the literature on ‘sense of community’ is the one conducted by Willem De Koster and Dick Houtman (2008). They found that Dutch right-wing extremists who experienced stigmatization in offline social life regarded the Dutch branch of the international Stormfront forum (the largest right-wing extremist internet forum in the Netherlands) as an ‘online refuge,’ where they could experience a sense of community. The authors point out that part of the value of extremist online communities is that it allows individuals to feel like they are part of a broader ‘embattled’ sub-group whose members are linked transnationally and undergo the same struggle. Additionally, Bowman-Grieve (2009) found that Stormfront members place themselves in vulnerable psychological and emotional positions as they recount how they found the far-right movement, openly discuss struggles in their own lives, and talk about how this online community has provided them with a safe space of support.
Some researchers suggest that the online space serves as a platform for ‘identity experimentation,’ where individuals can freely express themselves behind the anonymity of a username. This allows them to say things they wouldn’t in public and adopt personas that differ significantly from their real-world identities, essentially putting on an act or wearing a mask that hides their true selves. However, for members of extremist groups, the opposite is often the case. An IS supporter from the United Kingdom, interviewed by Amarasingam (2024), expressed that his online community is equivalent to his ‘whole life’ and that he never felt like he belonged anywhere except within that community. He also said: “Sometimes it’s like the person online is the real you”. For extremists, it is often in their interactions with their families, at school, or at work where they are putting on an act and not being their true selves – sometimes for the simple reason that they do not want to be ostracized or arrested for being a ‘jihadist’ or a ‘neo-Nazi’. But online, they become part of a likeminded collective, a transnational brotherhood and sisterhood that truly understands them.
There is psychological evidence suggesting that the need for belonging is strong enough for individuals to accept the goals of a group as their own, and it seems that organizations such as Islamic State have exploited this mechanism in their propaganda, calling for the union of all Muslims, regardless of race and ethnicity (Khader, 2016). This allows them to appeal to those who do not experience such acceptance in their own communities. Despite that, the importance of community for individuals who are radicalizing in the online space is still relatively understudied (Amarasingam, 2024). While numerous articles mention ‘online community’ or ‘virtual community’ in passing, there are only a handful of studies that truly unpack the concept or explore its significance in the field. Recently, this area of research has begun to receive further attention and is increasingly seen as an important field that needs further investigation.
Extremism studies should integrate existing research on the sense of community to see if extremist communities are somehow unique. Also, an important research question would be to explore whether extremist communities online are providing individuals with the much-needed sense of belonging that, according to research on modern community trends, is slowly being lost in our everyday life (Amarasingam, 2024; Putnam, 2000).
Amarasingam, A. (2024). Belonging is just a click away: Extremism, radicalisation, and the role of online communities. In The Routledge Handbook on Radicalisation and Countering Radicalisation (pp. 196-212). Routledge.
Bowman-Grieve, L. (2009). Exploring “Stormfront”: A virtual community of the radical right. Studies in conflict & terrorism,32(11), 989-1007.
De Koster, W., & Houtman, D. (2008). ‘STORMFRONT IS LIKE A SECOND HOME TO ME’ On virtual community formation by right-wing extremists. Information, Communication & Society, 11(8), 1155-1176.
Ebner, J. (2017). The rage: The vicious circle of Islamist and far-right extremism. Bloomsbury Publishing.
Khader, M. (2016). Combating violent extremism and radicalization in the digital era. IGI Global.
Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. Simon and Schuster.